There are fighters and comrades within the ranks of the EFFSC whom as a matter of fact have heavily relied on the media as a repository of knowledge production and a source of their political schooling. Of course with the exception of people who have little to no access to mainstream literary materials as a result of imposed structural limits, there is however those who have deliberately chosen to shun efforts of engaging in political theory, and will not even bother to read party literature, attend political classes and other programme of the organization. This contradiction is best exemplified in comrades you find articulating bourgeois ideas contrary to the revolutionary perspective.

This is a bad culture within the ranks of the student movement that claims to be an intellectual hub of the EFF. It is no wonder why many amongst us can only gossip, complain, loot, laze around, centre their politics around an individual, exist in a constant contestation for position and all other sort of reactionary things that serve us no strategic purpose.

In the 3rd National Students’ Assembly of the EFFSC, the CIC Julius Malema presented an argument that we do not need the student command. When critically analysing the CIC’s argument, with emotions detached, the argument is sound, we do not have a critical characteristic that has shaped student movements across history and allowed them to usurp all spaces of power seamlessly, and that is a respect for theory. Historically it has been the superiority of the young ideas that has constantly made the old ideas seem useless. However more recently, we’ve seen a death in the production of ideas, and as a consequence, we do not provide any intellectual contribution towards building of the organization. 

It is only through a concerted political education programme that can be built to challenge the culture of laziness, thuggery and anti-intellectualism within the movement. Political education is a tool and an instrument for cadre development. It is therefore evident that the prerequisite of cadre development is political education. This exhortation is aptly captured by one of Africa’s greatest revolutionaries and theoreticians, Thomas Sankara, that, “a soldier without political education is a contradiction” (paraphrased).

Political education as an organizing instrument of development must therefore train and produce cadres and revolutionaries who are well versed in revolutionary politics, politically far-sighted, competent in work, full of the spirit of self-sacrifice, capable of tackling problems on their own, steadfast in the midst of difficulties and despair, loyal and devoted in serving the people. This process, will, inevitably, produce the type of cadres that the movement needs in order to prosecute the revolution successfully.

The successful prosecution of the revolution means altering the material well-being of the masses of the people. Cadre development should be guided by an ideological perspective embodied in the triad of Marx, Lenin and Fanon. The role of theory and characteristics of Marxism-Leninism-Fanonian schools of thought is sacrosanct: the founders of scientific socialism, Marx and Engels, stressed the importance of revolutionary theory in the struggle of the working class and maintained that theory is a spur or a guide to action.

The foreword to his “The German Peasant’s war”, Engels noted that three aspects, “the theoretical, the political and the practical economics must be systematically co-ordinated by the vanguard movement.” This is to ensure that through the combination of the three aspects, members and activists alike, are solidified into revolutionary spirits as the revolutionary and death-defying spirit: the spirit of observing strict discipline and making self-sacrifice: the spirit of being selfless and putting others interests ahead of one’s own: the spirit of overwhelming all enemies and surmounting all difficulties and upholding revolutionary optimism. The Cadre must be able to diagnose the shortfalls of class theory within our society, we need fanon to move us from the Eurocentric anti-black analysis to the context of the colony to acknowledge the existence of race. What we want is that Marxism and communism be placed in the service of black people, and not black people in the service of Marxism and communism.

Therefore, “beyond any doubt we need to acquire these qualities” because this is in line with the political, social and spiritual legacy of the generation of Lawrence Phokanoka; Solomon “kalushi” Mahlangu and Onkgopotse Tiro. This is the legacy that we must be prepared to defend against all bandits, charlatans and reactionary tendencies ranging from bourgeois aspirations; opportunism, careerism, self-enrichment, and other ills associated with the psychology of capital accumulation.

We state this because “at the historical dawn of capitalist production- and every capitalist upstart has personally to go through this historical stage- avarice, and desire to get rich, are the ruling passions”. In the current historical and political conjuncture, the revolution is challenged by the “passion for accumulation and the desire for enjoyment”.

These are the ills that must be arrested in order to avoid the revolution to be aborted. Hence the challenge remains the restoration and reinstating the revolutionary culture. This requires the need to do our duty to discover many more new cadres and leaders. Because the fact is that the revolution depends on cadres because cadres guide the masses and the masses liberate themselves. This responsibility is placed especially on cadres that are free from selfishness, from individualistic ‘sheroes’. The key challenge is the need to “remould ourselves and raise ourselves to a higher revolutionary level”. And to be prepared to combat tendencies that are anti-people and anti-revolution.

The challenge of the cadre development through political education remains a central question of the revolution at this historical juncture. Therefore, the formation of a revolutionary cadre should be a basic task of a movement for economic emancipation and revolutionary vanguard. The investment and expenditure and efforts on the gathering and development of the basic cadres should not be begrudged, for they constitute the precious and indispensable vanguard of the revolution worthy of every little cent.

Our raison d’etre and strategic vision to fight for economic freedom in our lifetime, is contingent upon robust and piercing through political education, conscientization and class- consciousness of the EFF members. A movement of our kind cannot hide its true face, identity; political and ideological views. It must reveal them. Marx and Engels were forthright against this as far back as 1848, writing in The Communist Manifesto: “the communists’ disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have the world to win.”

However, it can only do so by training its members in revolutionary theories of struggle, evaluate its experiences, develop and communicate its vision, mission, strategy and tactics. Once the revolutionary theory and ideology is horned and internalized by all within the EFFSC ranks, it would be easier for the rank and file to appreciate that our party, is not like other parties. 

For it is Lenin who warned, that without a revolutionary vanguard party there can be no revolution. Moreover, there equally can never be a revolutionary vanguard party without a revolutionary program which is necessarily underpinned and informed by revolutionary theory. 

There is a dialectical relationship between revolutionary theory and revolutionary action. And when comrades appreciate this dialectic of engaging in action, where we often times discover contradictions, and then coming back to theory to feed our understanding of what creates those contradiction. The two don’t complement each other but are an inseparable whole. This gives expression to the EFF’s revolutionary mission which must be pursued programmatically and sharpened theoretically.

By this, we mean not only that it has special goals or a unique place in history, but that it is organized in a different way. It makes special demands upon its members, and its leaders never ask its members to perform tasks, which the leadership itself, may be hesitant to do.

Time is now that we take bold steps and advantages of the crisis of the social order, in order to seize power. This requires, however, that the face of the organization be turned outward, toward the areas where power is won and lost – in the theatre of battle of ideas. We must never retreat from the field of ideas, the battle of the mind and the struggle over the mode of thinking.

The NMBM coalition has not appointed a Chief Financial Officer (CFO) and many other senior managers, referred to as Executive Directors. This is threatening the stability of the municipality and eventually, service delivery. However, with the delay in appointment of a CFO, this has a bearing on roll-over funding from the National Treasury and budget allocation respectively. The Council sat five times during the month of July, but this impasse could not be resolved, and the arrest of former councillor Bongo Nombimba from ward 20 made things worse, because the governing coalition of UDM, ANC, AIC & UF could not pass or take any resolutions in council. Even with the help of the EFF they would still fail, they would still be one seat short.

Recent media reports in the Herald revealed that there are ongoing talks between the DA and the ANC at provincial level. These talks are led by Nqaba Bhanga (DA leader in Eastern Cape) and Eastern Cape Premier and ANC Chairperson Oscar Mabuyane. These two have known each other since the youth league days and both parties have confirmed these media reports, but stating they are in talks with all parties in the Bay. What we must note from these talks is that they are happening at provincial level and the local leadership has been excluded, especially the local leadership of the ANC.

Premier Oscar Mabuyane is believed to be a staunch member of the #CR17 faction who has made his views clear about the state of affairs in NMBM. He is not happy with governance in the Bay but some see it as a strategy to purge those who supported the NDZ faction like the Political Head (referred to as MMC) for Infrastructure & Engineering, Cllr Andile Lungisa. However, what you cannot run away from is the fact that Andile Lungisa is an influential and a powerful leader in NMBM currently. If you do not believe this, then attend at least one council meeting. During the budget speech, Oscar Mabuyane was clear that the focus would be on local municipalities and when I heard this I knew he was referring to NMBM.

Now what are the scenarios and coalition prospects in NMBM?

Firstly, if the DA/ANC coalition happens this means the ANC was not genuine and could be viewed as hypocrites, because they criticised the EFF for voting with the DA after the 2016 Local Government Elections (LGE). Remember the ANC criticised EFF’s voting with the DA stating it has sold black voters to a white party, now what will that say if they get into coalition with the DA (which is still seen as a white party). In addition, we have seen the EFF in NMBM growing its votes from 12 000 LGE in 2016 to 30 000 in 2019 National Elections. Therefore, this would make them the strongest opposition in the metro and this could lure more votes as they will be supporting none of the big 2 parties in NMBM.

Secondly, there would be a revolt within the ANC because some MMC’s would have to be removed to accommodate their partners, the DA.  This means people lose salaries and the stability and well-being of their families gets affected, and also it means they will lose power and become ordinary councillors. Honestly, this may cause a lot of problems especially that the negotiations are handled at provincial level without engaging the local leaders and the ANC caucus.

Thirdly, the small opposition parties would be the biggest looser, currently the UDM, has the mayorship, AIC has the Deputy Mayor position, and the UF has the Budget & Treasury portfolio, while the PA is running the Economic Development, Tourism and Agriculture portfolio. Therefore, if the looming coalition happens it will be tough for them as they will be swallowed in council by the two parties. On the other hand, you have COPE and the ACDP who were part of the coalition with the DA and have continued to support the DA in opposition benches. They might feel used by the DA unless their loyalty will be rewarded through including them in the coalition.

Lastly, the ANC will soon hold its regional conference and as things stand the faction led by Cllr Lungisa might emerge and if that happens they might want to make changes to the coalition. This will lead to more instability, because they may use it to fight back the Mabuyane faction whom is believed to be handling the negotiations, also those Cllrs who are believed to support the Mabuyane faction could be recalled.

Coalition politics are the future, there is no doubt about that but they need matured politicians. And as parties enter into coalition they must have a proper plan of governance that will move the city forward. As things stand, it seem like no one has a plan but rather parties want to be in power and control the public purse of the NMBM. The most painful reality is that as politicians fight for power it’s the poor, but especially the black masses, that suffer the most. Moreover, service delivery gets compromised and more unrests start to surface. We will await and see what the negotiations will yield in the next few weeks.