In state and revolution, Lenin theorizes about what he terms a “special body of armed men having prisons etc.”, whose primary purpose is to enforce the bourgeoisie mode of production. Because the capitalist system is conscious of its illegitimacy, to say its oppressive and exploitative structure, and is equally conscious of the forever existing possibility of a working-class uprising, it needs mechanism of ensuring that such remains a possibility, and when it happens, it is violently crumpled and crushed. It is in this context, according to Lenin, that the modern state emerges, so as the special body of armed men, which is a component of this state, which manages the affairs of the ruling class.

We argue that institutions of higher learning, as they serve the ruling class in their current state, are conscious of their illegitimacy, as such, have in place a special body of armed men and internal legal processes. These exist to ensure that activists who dare challenge the anti-black and anti-working-class structure, posture, and modus operandi are violently suppressed and removed from institutions of higher learning.

Activists of the EFFSC throughout the country have been victims of this violent anti-black and anti-working-class modus operandi. Black working-class students who once carried the dreams and aspirations of entire clans and communities in relation to the realization of a better life, found themselves violently removed from universities and colleges, condemned to the very same townships they left in pursuit of a kinder life.

The EFFSC which provides the philosophical and political basis for direct confrontational activism, has been unable to productively intervene in relation to providing aid for those who are victims of suspensions, expulsions, and even death, engineered by university and college managements in pursuit of suppressing activism. This quagmire has contributed to the decline in student activism, particularly the direct confrontational aspect of student activism, consistent with the Marxist-Leninist protest tradition. Who would want to be an activist and oppose the oppressive and exclusionary structure and modus operandi of institutions of higher learning when that only ends in suspensions, expulsions, and death?

The province of KwaZulu Natal has, in recent years, been the home of suppression of student activism and violent victimization of activists of the EFFSC. Anyone who dares to demand a just and humane educational environment is met with violence and exclusion.

Consistent with the Leninist twofold approach to the revolution, which calls on working-class organizations to engage in both legal and illegal work, we argue that the EFFSC has all the reasons to have a legal desk. A legal desk which will be responsible for providing aid to poor black students who are activists of EFFSC, who are victims of unjust suspensions and expulsions. This legal desk must be led by a qualified legal officer, who will organize and coordinate all efforts in relation to providing aid to victimized activists.

The EFFSC has two options, either establish a new legal organization, or form a strategic partnership with existing organizations. We argue that the Unisa Law Students Association (ULSA) can be a strategic legal partner of the EFFSC, and provide legal aid to activists of EFFSC, in the context of persistent victimizations of activism. Some time ago there was a debate within the anarchist movement, the debate was whether anarchists should form new, pure anarchist organizations or they should join existing mass-based workers organizations and try and introduce anarchist ideas from within. One camp, the dualists argued for the establishment of strictly anarchists’ organizations, and the other camp, advocated for a tactical intervention called ‘boring from within’ which argued that it was futile forming new anarchist organizations, rather join mass-based workers organizations and introduce anarchism from within.

We need not establish a new legal organization when we have ULSA, we should adopt the methods of the latter anarchists, we can form a strategic alliance with ULSA, making it a strategic legal partner. I bring the anarchists argument to respond to those who might reject ULSA, for this and that reason, to say that if the general membership believes ULSA’s values and principles contradict those of the EFFSC, then we can transform it from within, surely it will be transformable when it is a ‘strategic partner’.

We cannot continue to write essays and quote Fanon and Marx, when daily, dreams and aspirations of poor black students of realizing a better life are destroyed by management of institutions of higher learning, we need a legal desk, and ULSA provides all the possibilities, as it is already established.

Legal Desk Manje!

The amnesty programme of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality to pardon all households which have tempered with their electricity meter boxes will fail dismally. 

Generally, amnesty is a pardon given to offenders or a group of people by an authority before they are tried or convicted for any crime(s) committed. In this instance, the municipality is the authority while residents are the offenders. The intent of the municipality through this programme is to reduce electricity losses and to ensure generation of future revenue. This programme targets both households and companies, even though the immediate focus is on households.

This is a direct result of the Covid-19 pandemic which has seen a lot of people losing their jobs, with businesses shutting down, not only in the city but throughout the country.

Furthermore, in the past three financial years the municipality has failed to achieve its revenue collection targets. The National Treasury also withheld grants amounting closer to R1.6 billion that are pivotal for service delivery due to political instability and failure to fill critical senior vacancies.

While these realities persist; electricity, food and service charges continue to rise.This has put more pressure on the unemployed residents of the metro, who inevitably  resort to stealing electricity.

The other factor that might have not been considered when taking this decision was the poor billing system of the municipality with regards to rates, especially water. Many residents of the Metro argue their bills are estimates, instead of the accurate meter readings.

In turn, when residents fail to pay their high service charges bills, the municipality cuts-off their electricity connection. On top of that, people are charged a reconnection fee of R350 to return to the grid.

The municipality has not dealt with the issue of the ailing infrastructure which causes water leakages across the city, and some residents believe these losses are recuperated through their monthly bills.

In addition, it seems like decision makers have overlooked the prevailing socio-economic conditions in our city, hence the programme might not yield the expected results.

Nonetheless, before we deal with the socio-economic issues which may hinder the success of this programme, it is important to remember that one of the aims of the amnesty programme is to improve revenue collection. This simply means those who repent now, will start afresh and buy electricity, generating much needed revenue for the city.

A hindrance to this move is the high unemployment rate which sits above 45% currently. The number is much greater among the youth, exceeding 47%.

As long as people don’t work, the cycle of tampering with electricity meter boxes will continue.

The other factor that leads to tampering is the justifiable land invasions and growth of informal settlements in our city due to the slow pace of housing delivery by the provincial government and the hunger for land in general.

In 2021 the metro had about 79 informal settlements. Most of these do not have electricity, and connect illegally to the grid resulting in electricity losses for the municipality.

Furthermore, it is also important to note that, the city had recorded 27% of its households as indigent in the year 2021, thus potentially eligible to qualify for Assistance to the Poor (ATTP).

On the other hand, poor control systems within Budget & Treasury, Infrastructure & Engineering and Electricity directorate respectively might be the stumbling block on the success of this programme.So if these issues are not addressed then this exercise is nothing but a waste of time.

A stable administrative and political environment is key in this whole process as it affords both political heads and executive directors to plan and execute their visions effectively. Secondly, the metro must continue on its efforts to strengthen and attract businesses that will create job opportunities for the people of the city. The revival of the manufacturing and engineering sector which has been the backbone of the city’s development must take a center stage.

Thirdly, the metro must phase out the tender system and devise an aggressive infrastructural programme that will open up permanent job opportunities for many in the Bay. This may include, but is not limited to, the building and tarring of roads and fixing of drainage systems.

Fourthly, the metro must finalize its engagements with the Provincial Department of Human Settlements to get back the function of building its own houses to curb the growth of informal settlements. Finally, the metro must consider totally exempting families which are dependent on social grants for both electricity and service charges. The city must also consider electrifying all informal settlements in the metro and finalize recognizing outstanding ones.

Sinethemba Matshaya is a Brand & Communications strategist and a former Caucus Researcher and Municipal Public Accounts Committee (MPAC) Coordinator in Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM)

Twitter: @sinesold

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