First and foremost, let me pass my congratulatory messages to the matric class of 2019 for performing very well on their National Senior Certificate (NSC) results presented by the Department of Basic Education (DBE) on the 7th of January 2020, in Midrand. We saw the national pass rate at 81,3%, a remarkable increase of 3% from 2018’s 78.2%, whilst the privileged Independent Examination Board (IEB) got a whooping 98,82 %. 

The Economic Freedom Fighters Students’ Command’s (EFFSC) highest decision-making body, the Central Students’ Command Team (CSCT) sat on the 2nd of January 2020, in one of its periodic CSCT meetings to assess the work of the student movement thus far, receive reports, and of course deliberate on the #SizofundaNgenkaniCampaign. 

According to Section 2 (subsection 3) of the EFFSC constitution, “the basic programme of the EFFSC is the complete overthrow of the neoliberal anti-black education system as well as the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes, the establishment of the dictatorship of the working class in place of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the triumph of socialism over capital. The ultimate aim of the EFFSC is the realization of socialism through Student’s power and an establishment of an education system that responds to the needs of students.” 

We are therefore implored to ask ourselves the question; 

Can students be liberated outside the liberation of the masses of our people?  

This question is in line with the new vision of the CSCT, to integrate student campuses-based struggles, with community struggles. Further, the party’s guiding document explicitly answers this question in section 5, the 7 non-negotiable founding principles, subsection 4, which explicitly gives the direction the students must take by suggesting that the Students’ Command must build a dynamic relationship between the student community and community struggles (and campaigns).  

It is common knowledge that before you are a student, you are a member of the community. After student life you will eventually resume your place in the community either as a professional or something else, I would assume we all want to change our situations which is the basic core of why we are engaged in struggle.  

The CSCT has to be commended for bringing this new methodology in dealing with the system. It will be very vital in tackling national questions that are both a barrier for both communities. But, I’m afraid the reluctance of the EFF leadership to take political education seriously in all its structures will probably be a challenge for this brilliant idea. 

At the grassroots level, the EFFSC is arming itself, and the Marxist-Leninist and Fanonian students should never deviate from this call.  

Young fighters, are very promising when it comes to Cadre development. For instance, the EFFSC UCT branch has been having independent (meaning without the guidance of the leadership) political education programs, in fact the whole EFFSC takes political education very seriously besides funding (especially reading materials) being a challenge. 

Institutions of higher education have a very important role to play in society, they produce knowledge, intelligentsia and so on. This must also be reflective in any party which exists in all institutions of higher education, the membership must be knowledgeable, critical and politically astute. I hope fighters will heed the call made by the CSCT to integrate community straggles to student activism. 

SIZOFUNDA NGENKANI CAMPAIGN 

The annual #SizofundaNgenkaniCampaign continues to inspire the poor masses of our people. It remains the only hope for our people, in the education sector. Education is the most precious personal badge one could have for his/her life. I do, of course, acknowledge the infusion of colonialism and segregation in our education system, particularly the Bantu Education act of 1953 (Act No. 47 of 1953) which legalized some of the major aspects of Apartheid – amongst them is education, education is bigger than conservative racial segregation polices. 

In a press conference post the first CSCT meeting of the year, EFFSC Chief executive officer (President) Mandla Shikwambana outlined this year’s programme of action – which calls for free registration for all, community-based student activism, free decolonised education with all its allowances including accommodation for all. This is in line with party policy position, and the previous administration attempted to deal with this phenomenon. 

Each and every year, since 2015 after the Tuurflop declaration(s), student activists of the Students’ Command have been in the early days of each academic year, sacrificing their time to go to institutions of higher education to assist academically deserving students to pursue their higher education. It is no secret that these institutions seek to make the process of transitioning from High School to tertiary very difficult for poor black students. The EFFSC becomes a breath of fresh air for the children of the working class at this time. 

This year’s campaign is quite different from the previous years, the torture, disrespect, humiliation and sabotage from the Howard College’s Department of Student Residence Affairs (DSRA) has officially ended. This is not just because the Campus Representative Council (CRC) is led by the EFFSC but by the prowess of the party itself, the students have spoken. No more fighters sleeping in kitchens and inhumane conditions. 

The #SizofundaNgenkaniCampaign’s intervention in the education sector is one of the most practical and innovative solutions to the problems facing the education sector. There’s absolutely no party that has dedicated it’s time on making sure institutions are inclusive. This is the same campaign that made the Vice-Chancellor Prof Nana Apoku to come back from vacation to deal with enrollment, application and college offices challenges, when junior academic stuff was failing. 

The campaign must be guided by the highest decision-making body, or at least the leading commissars must actively be able to be in spaces where we are mostly needed, the TVET sector seems to be the last option for most prospective and the least place where we are active as the party, I wonder why. The EFFSC must be able to give counsel to students to pursue qualifications in all institutions of higher education including TVET colleges. There are scarce skills to accumulate as well. 

This is why the campaign must be relentlessly sustained, throughout the year. Communities are without the necessary tools to combat their lived reality, children of the working class are at the bottom, the youth is unemployed. According to Statistics South Africa, “The youth aged 15–24 years are the most vulnerable in the South African labour market as the unemployment rate among this age group was 55,2% in the 1st quarter of 2019. Among graduates in this age group, the unemployment rate was 31,0% during this period compared to 19,5% in the 4th quarter of 2018 – an increase of 11,4 percentage points quarter-on-quarter. However, the graduate unemployment rate is still lower than the rate among those with other educational levels, meaning that education is still the key to these young people’s prospects improving in the South African labour market” (Stats SA, 2019). 

There’s need to mobilize the youth. Out of 1 million prospective students who get inside institutions to pursue their degrees, there’s a sum of more than +/- 2 million who are outside the system. They cannot access the labour market, education, quality healthcare and job opportunities. There’s a necessity to focus on the neglected youth and I believe that community-based student activism is the only solution to organize, mobilize and educate the neglected youth. 

The #SizofundaNgenkaniCampaign is a weapon of transformation. 

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It is an indisputable fact that modern society is characterized by social conflicts that are mediated by state and political actors. The emergence of plural democracies and the freedoms that come with it have resulted in the growing presence of organized bodies outside the parameters of the state. These bodies, such as NGO’s, civil rights groups and non-partisan entities are considered to constitute what is regarded as civil society.

The role of civil society is considered as one of fostering dialogue, ensuring that a state is accountable to its citizens and maintaining an independent voice that will fight tirelessly for human dignity. The need for such groups in post-apartheid South Africa cannot be denied, and we have seen the impact such groupings can have in alleviating socio-economic crisis. Actors within civil society have played a vital role in raising awareness around the need for ARV dispensation to South Africans, fighting for the rights of destitute miners, land rights, raising political consciousness and combating corruption.

These efforts must at all times be commended, in the same manner we commend ethical journalists and leaders of the state when they execute their duties in accordance to the principles of their professions. 

Sadly, civil society is not immune to the logic that determines social relations in South Africa. It is a sector which is characterized by a monopoly of the wealthy and the factional needs of individuals within the ruling party.

The most vocal of NGO’s are regarded highly particularly if their ranks are littered with stalwarts of the ANC. Their opinions are regarded as infallible, and more often than not the agendas they push are in line with the neo-liberal fabric that defines South African policy and legislative perspectives.

Most recently, we have seen how this dominant portion of civil society seems to only speak when its factional interests or the interests of those who bankroll their existence are under threat. This does away with any notion of neutrality that is to be expected of those who are supposed to keep our government in check.

It is a civil society bank rolled by the likes of George Soros, British based Ox-Fam and the mining industrial complex of Stellenbosch and the Oppenheimers. NGO’s such as the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation are led by the factional likes of Derek Hanekom who continues to sit in the highest echelons of ANC power. The policy perspectives of these bodies are drafted by politicians who hold shares in the banks of this country, shares in the mines of this country and other sectors of the economy which remain dominated by a white minority.

Neutrality is impossible when there are material interests for individuals in the direction the country ought to take.

Therefore, the calls emanating from a nebulous civil society to defend one Pravin Gordhan should be seen within this logic. As a capitalist and factional enterprise that is not at all concerned with the ailing state of Eskom and the SOE’s he presides over. They have a strong desire for Pravin Gorhan to continue to preside over SOE’s, but no logical argument as to why.

The best that can be said is that he is an important figure in Cyril Ramaphosa’s regime, which seemingly will collapse without him. That a state President is so dependent on one individual in order to run the country is alarming. It not only presents Ramaphosa as weak and dependent, but also confirms fears that Ramaphosa is not a leader born out of an organic process.

This is further affirmed by the fact that both Ramaphosa and Gordhan are consistently defended by actors outside of their party from critique. These actors are businessmen, journalists, and stalwarts who have long abandoned the liberation project of this country.

What does it mean, that at a time of a looming job bloodbath in the country the biggest call to come out from veterans of the ANC is a protection of Pravin Gordhan?

Which logic is used when a performance assessment is done of the President and his appointments in key governance sectors, people are branded as being in an alliance that seeks to further corruption?

Why is it that Pravin Gordhan is said to be under threat due to the information he has on his political adversaries, yet no one questions how this is tantamount to extortion and amounts to an obstruction of justice?

Why is it that ministers who have either failed in their departments or been at the brunt of corruption allegations have been removed with the disdain of civil society, but Gordhan maintains its support?

How was it ignored when the board of Eskom cited interference for political expediency as a critical factor in the problems facing the energy utility? Where has civil society been during this evident failure and meddling of Pravin Gordhan. Failure that is characterized by political meddling, illegal surveillance and the undermining of black professionals within SOE’s?

Where has civil society been as the nation is crippled by rolling black outs under Gordhan’s stewardship?

Gordhan creates a hostile environment in every sector he enters, a hostility that was useful once in denying Jacob Zuma access to the nations coffers. Beyond that all Gordhan has done is ride the gravy train of closing a purse he was part of opening.

The overwhelming call for Pravin Gordhan to be relieved of his duties is one based on an assessment of his performance. To suggest like Peter Bruce that someone who is failing at their job be given another important task is tantamount to madness. It reveals to us that there is a sinister task that Gordhan has been entrusted with, which requires the nations patience and acceptance of the collapse of national assets.

It is therefore difficult to discern South African civil society from an interest group of the ANC led by Gordhan. It is a civil society that is inconsistent. One that has been tasked with maintaining the dominance of capital over South African sovereignty. It’s deployees lead the ANC and are defended vigorously which only confirms to us that these are individuals who lead money not people.

Gordhan has little to no organic support in this country. Civil society, being captured journalists and NGO’s are his faction in the ANC. He must therefore be released from public service, so he can go lead his faction in peace.